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This book is pretty interesting. I found it at http://tracker.conspiracycentral.net/index.php


Preparata - Conjuring Hitler- How Britain And America Made the Third Reich (2005)


Excerpt:

The poor treatment of the Nazi gestation is due to two factors: fi rst,

the historical interval that covers the breeding of Hitlerism is notoriously

complex, and that does not make for 'good cinema': for instance, when

the Crisis hit the West in 1930, and the Nazis began to gather votes, Liberal

historians hand the narration over to their fellow economists, and the

economists, who understand famously nothing of the Crisis, throw it back

to the historians, who are thus saddled with the last and sadly disappointing

word in the current, miserable explication of the Nazis' rise to power.

Second, a detailed analysis of the emergence of Nazism is generally

shunned so it seems, for it might reveal too much; in truth, it might

disclose that the Nazis were

never a creature of chance. The thesis of the

book suggests that

for 15 years (1919-33), the Anglo-Saxon elites tampered

with German politics with the conscious intent to obtain a reactionary

movement, which they could then set up as a pawn for their geopolitical

intrigues. When this movement emerged immediately after World War I in

the shape of a religious, anti-Semitic sect disguised as a political party (that

is, the NSDAP), the British clubs kept it under close observation, proceeded

to endorse it semi-offi cially in 1931 when the Weimar Republic was being

dismantled by the Crisis, and fi nally embraced it, with deceit, throughout

the 1930s. This is to say that although England did not conceive Hitlerism,

she nonetheless created the conditions under which such a phenomenon

could appear, and devoted herself to supporting financially the Nazis and

subsequently arming them to the teeth with the prospect of manipulating

them. Without such methodical and unsparing 'protection' on the part

of the Anglo-American elites, along with the complicit buttress of Soviet

Russia, there would have been no Führer and no Nazism: the political

dynamism of the Nazi movement owed its success to a general state of

instability in Germany, which was wholly artifi cial, a wreckage engineered

by the Anglo-American clubs themselves.

By 'clubs' and 'elites' I mean the established and self-perpetuating

fraternities that ruled the Anglo-Saxon commonwealths: these were (and

still are) formed by an aggregation of dynasts issued from the banking

houses, the diplomatic corps, the officer caste, and the executive aristocracy,

which still remains solidly entrenched in the constitutional fabric of

the modern 'democracies.' These 'clubs' act, rule, breed and think like

a compact oligarchy, and co-opt the middle class to use it as a filter

between themselves and their cannon fodder: the commoners. In fact,

in the so-called 'democratic constituency,' which represents to date the

most sophisticated model of oligarchic rule, the electorate wields no clout

whatever, and political ability is but another expression for the powers of

persuasion needed to 'build consensus' around (momentous) decisions

already taken elsewhere.3

3. So-called 'democracy' is a sham, the ballot a travesty. In modern bureaucratized

systems, whose birth dates from the mid-nineteenth century, the feudal organization

has been carried to the next level, so to speak. A chief objective of what Thucydides

referred to in his epoch as synomosiai (literally 'exchanges of oaths'), that is, the outof-

sight fraternities acting behind the ruling clans, has been to make the process of the

exaction of rents from the population (a 'free income' in the form of rents, financial

charges and like thefts) as unfathomable and impenetrable as possible. The tremendous

sophistication, and the propagandistic wall of artfully divulged misconceptions

surrounding the banking system (we will return to this theme in Chapter 4), which is

the chief instrument wherewith the hierarchs expropriate and control the wealth of

their supporting community, is the limpid testimony of this essential transformation

undergone by the feudal/oligarchic organization in the modern era. The West has

moved from a low-tech agrarian establishment built upon the backs of disenfranchised

serfs to a highly mechanized post-industrial hive that feeds off the strength of no less

disenfranchised blue- and white-collar slaves, whose lives are mortgaged to buy into the

vogue of modern consumption. The latter-day lords of the manor are no longer seen

demanding tribute since they have relied on the mechanics of banking accounts for the

purpose, whereas the sycophants of the median class, as academics and publicists, have

consistently remained loyal to the synomosiai. The other concrete difference between

yesterday and today is the immensely increased throughput of industrial production

(whose potential level, however, has always been signifi cantly higher than the actual

one, to keep prices high). As for the 'democratic participation' of the ordinary citizens,

these know in their hearts that they never decide anything of weight, and that politics

consists in the art of swaying the mobs in one direction or another according to the

wishes and anticipations of the few having the keys to information, intelligence and

fi nance. These few may at a point in time be more or less divided into warring factions;

the deeper the division, the bloodier the social strife. The electoral record of the West

in the past century is a shining monument to the utter inconsequence of 'democracy':

in spite of two cataclysmic wars and a late system of proportional representation that

yielded a plethora of parties, Western Europe has seen no signifi cant shift in her socioeconomic

constitution, whereas America has become, as time progressed, ever more

identical to her late oligarchic self, having reduced the democratic pageant to a contest

between two rival wings of an ideologically compact monopartite structure, which is in

fact 'lobbied' by more or less hidden 'clubs': the degree of public participation in this

fl agrant mockery is, as known, understandably lowest: a third of the franchise at best.