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Chapter XII of Memoirs Illustrating the History of Jacobinism by Barruel

Progress of the Conspriacy under Voltaire--First Class of Protectors: Crowned Adepts

CHAP. XII.

Progreft of the Confpiracy under Voltaire.-Firjl Clafs of
Protestors.-Crowned Adepts.

VOLTAIRE's grand object, as we have feen, was Tl,at tht
to hurry away that whole clafs of men, ftyled hiftorian
by the confpirators the better fort, and inftil into their mufl h*
minds his hatred ,for Chrift and his religion : to have true'
left his gofpel to none but the rabble, and to them on-
ly, in cafe they could not eflace it from their 'minds.
"Under this denomination of better fort, they compre-
hended all who were illuftrious, either by power, rank
or riches ; and, after them, all people of education or
inftructioti and honeft citizens, ranking above what Vol-
taire calls rabble, footmen, cooks, &c. It is an ob-
fervation worthy the hiftorian, that the Antichriftian
Confpiracy firft makes its progrefs in the moft illuftri-
ous part of this clafs ; among princes, kings, empe-
rors, minifters and courts ; in fine, among thofe who
may be ftyled the Great.

If a writer dares not utter truths like thefe, let him throw afide his pen ; he is unworthy of treating fuch important fubjects of hiftory. He who has not the courage to tell kings, that they were the firft to league in the Confpiracy againft Chrift and his religion, and that it is the fame God who has permitted the confpirators, firft to threaten, make and filently undermine their thrones ; then openly to feoff at their authority. The man, I fay, who dares not hold fuch language is only abandoning the powers of the earth to their fatal bliridnefs. They would continue to hearken to the impious, to protect impiety, and fupport its dominion, to let it circulate and fpread from the palace to the city, from the towns to the country, from the mafter to the fervant; in fine, from the lords to the people. And would not fuch crimes call down vengeance from heaven ? Will not heaven have too numerous crimes to avenge upon nations, not to curfe them with luxury and difcord, with ambition and confpiracies, or with all thofe fcourges which portend the downfall of na-

dons. Had the monarch alone, throughout his empire* raifed his head againft his God, who has told us that the crimes of the chief (hall not be avenged upon his people. Once more let the hiftorian be Client, if he dares not utter the truth. Should he feek the caufes of a revolution in its agents, he would meet a Necker, a Brienne, a Philippe D'Orleans, Mirabeaux, and Ro- befpierres ; a confufion in the finances, factions among the great, infubordination in the armies, the people agitated and difquieted, in fine feduced. Will he, for that, know from whence thefe Neckers, Mirabeaux, or Robefpierres, have arifen ; whence this confufion in finance, this fpirit of faction, this infubordination of the, armies, or the feducVion of the divers clafles of the ftate ? He will have feized but the laft thread of the confpiracy. He will have feen empires in their agony, but he will have overlooked that flow fever which con- fumes them, whilft the violence of the fit is referved to that laft crifis which precedes diflblution. He will defcribe the calamities which every one has feen, but will he be the nearer the remedy. Let the hiftorian reveal the fecrets of the mafters of the earth, to ward from them the confpiracy which (hall fall back upon them ; and we, what fecrets do we reveal, fecrets publicly printed for thefe ten years paft, in their own cor- refpondence with the chief of the confpiracy. It is too late to attack us on that point. Thofe letters were printed, to the great fcandal of the public, to difcover the favor of the impious man with the fovereigns of the earth ; and when we fliow this protection avenged upon the fovereigns, it is not their fliame we are feeking to divulge, it is their misfortunes and thofe of their people that we make known ; the remedv then fpontaneoufly manifefling itfelf, may avert or prevent, much greater evils. Such a motive is more than an equivalent, to all that could induce us to be filent.

In the correfpondence of the confpirators there is more than one letter which depofes againft the Emperor Jofeph ii. Jofeph II. with all the poffible evidence of fuch tefti- mony, that he was initiated and had been admitted into all the myfteries of the AntichrHtian Confpiracy by Frederick.

In the firft of thefe letters, Voltaire announced his victory in thefe terms : " You have afforded me great " pleafure by reducing the infinite to its real value. H But here is a thing far more interefting : Grimm of««Jttres us, that the Emperor is one of ours. That is lucky, " for the Dutchefs of Parma, his fifter, is againft us."*

In another letter, Voltaire exulting in fo important a conqueft, writes to Frederick, " A Bohemian of " great wit and philofophy, called Grimm, has infor- " med me that you had initiated the Emperor into our " holy myfteries."f In a third in fine, Voltaire, after enumerating the princes and princefles whom he reckoned among the adepts, adds thefe words : " You " have alfo flattered me with the Emperor's being in " the way of perdition ; that would be a good harvejl for " philofophy."^ This alludes to a letter written by Frederick to Voltaire a few months before, in which he fays, " I am fetting off for Silefia, and fhall meet «« the Emperor, who has invited me to his camp in " Moravia ; not to fight as formerly, but to live as « good neighbours. He is an amiable prince and full «« of merit. He likes your works and rtads them as much " as he can. He is the very reverfe of being fuperftitious. «« In fine, he is an Emperor fuch as Germany has not " feen long fince. We neither of us like the ignorant " and barbarous, but that is not a reafon for extermi- «« nating them."$

Now that we are acquainted with Frederick's idea of a prince, The very reverfe of being fuperftitious and wha reads Voltaire's 'works as much as he is able, his encomiums are eafily underftood. They truly point-out an Emperor fuch as Germany had not long fince beheld, in fine, an Emperor as irreligious as Frederick himfelf. Both the date and laft words, But that is not a reafon for ex- term nating them, recalls to mind a time when Frederick, thinking the Sophifters too daring and hafty, fought himfelf to reprefs their imprudence, left it might overthrow the whole political fyftem of governments. It was not yet time to employ fuperior force or to pafs the laft fentence. The war then refolved on between Frederick and Jofeph againft Chrift was not to be a war of Neros and Dioclefians ; it was to filently undermine. Such was that which Jofeph waged, as foon as the death of Maria Terefa left him at liberty to act. He carried it on with hypocrify, for Jofeph, as unbelieving as Frederick, wifhed to be looked upon as a very religious prince, and would proteft that the flighteft attack on Chriftianiry was the mod diftant from his ideas.

* aSth of Oct. 1769. f No. 16*, Nov. 1769.

4 Let No. 181, stiit of Not. 1770. § iSth of Auguft 1770,

During his travels through Europe he continued to approach the facramenls, and perform his Eafter devotions at Vienna and Naples, with that exterior piety, \vhichc6uld not feem to coincide with the hypocrify of thofe of Voltaire at Fcrney. He carried his diffimula- tion fo far, that in pafling through France, he refufed to call at Ferney, though very near and expefted there by Voltaire. It is even faid, that in turning away he affe&edly faid, That be could not bear to Jee a man, whof by calumniating religion had given the feverejl blow to humanity ; what credit is to be given to thefe words, I will not pretend to decide, but certain it is, that the philofophers did not the lefs look upon Jofeph as one of theirs. This flight of Voltaire was foon pardoned ; they fpread every where, that his admiration had not diminifhed for tht premier in impiety , that he would have willingly vifited him, but that he had refrained through regard for his mother, who at the felicitations of the priefts, had made him pnmife that he -would not fee him during his journey*

Notwithftanding his referve and his diflimulation, the war which Jofeph waged, foon became one of authority and oppreffion, of rapine and violence, and was well nigh ending in the extermination of his own fub- jefts. He began by the fuppreflion of a large number of monafteries ; this we have feen was a leading feature in Frederick's plan; he feized on a great part of the ecclefiaftical property ; fo would Voltiare have done, when he exclaims, But I had rather plunder them ; Jofeph II. tore from their cells and cloifters, even to thofe Carmelite nuns, whofe extreme poverty could afford no bait to avarice and whofe angelic fervor left no room for reform. He was the firft who gave to his age the public (how of holy virgins reduced to wander into dillant countries, even as far as Portugal, to feek an afylum for their piety. Innovating at pleafure in the church, he only anticipated that famous conftitution of the clergy, called civil by the Jacobin legiflators, and which prepared the way to the butchery at the Carmes. The fovereign pontiff thought it incumbent on him to leave Rome and pafs into Auftria, and in the capacity of common father of the faithful, perfonally to repre- fent to the emperor the laws and rights of the church. Jofeph II. receives him with refpec\, and permits all

* See note to the letter of the Count de Touraille, 6th of Aug, 1777, General CorrefpODdence of Voltaire,

that homage and public veneration fhould be fhown to Pius VI. which both his virtues and dignity equally commanded. He did not for that ceafe to continue his war of oppreffion. He did not expel the bifhops, but he gave them much trouble; for conftituting himfelf in fome fort the faperior of a feminary, he would permit no lectures to be read but by thofe profeflbrs he had chofen, and whofe doctrine like that of Camus tended only to forward the grand apoftacy ; at length thefe fe- cret perfecutions and depredations gave rife to murmurs. The wearied Brabanters revolted. Since that, we have feen them call in thofe Jacobins who promifing them the free exercife of their religion, and more artful than Jofeph, are now confummating his work. Had they been lefs tormented by Frederick's adept in matters of faith, the Brabanters would have been lefs impatient under the yoke of Auftria: had they been penetrated with a greater zeal and affection for the Emperor Jofeph, they would have better feconded, and have had more confidence in the virtues of Francis II. They would with greater force have oppofed that invafion which we have fe'en extend to the very banks of the Danube. Should hiftory lay the blame on Jofeph, let it look back to that day, when by Frederick, he is initiated into the myfteries of Voltaire. It is the empe- : rpr adept, that fhall be found guilty of this war of extermination, which has threatened even to his throne.

In the fequel of this work we fhall fee Jofeph repenting of the war he had waged againft Chrift, when he beheld philofophifm attacking both himfelf and his throne. He will then attempt but too late to repair his fault. He will fall a. melancholy victim.

Many other fovereigns are mentioned in the corref- pondence of the confpirators, as having imprudently engaged in thefe plots. D'Alembert complaining to Voltaire of the obftacles he fometimes encountered, and which he terms perfecutions, from the public author- ities, at length confoles himfelf by adding, " But we " have on our fide, the Emprefs Catherine, the King " of Pruffia, the King of Denmark, the Queen of " Sweden and her fon, many princes of the empire and " all England."* Much about the fame time, Voltaire writes to the king of Pruffia, " I know not what Muf- » tapha thinks (on the immortality of the foul;) my

* aSthof Nov. 1770.

" opinion is, that he does not think at all. As for the " Emprefs of Raffia, the <%ueen of Swedtn, your Jtftert " the King of Poland, and Prince Guftavus fon of the " Qneen of Sweden, I imagine that I know what they " think."f

Voltaire effe&ually knew it. The letters of thefe fovereigns could not leave him in the dark j but had we not thofe letters to adduce in proof, we now fee an Emperor, an Emprefs, a Queen and four Kings who had already enlifted under the banners of the confpi- rators.

Falfe con- *" ba"ng to the light this horrid confpiracy, let not fequcnces the hiftorian abandon himfelf to falfe declamation nor to be a- draw inferences ftill more deceitful. Let him not pre-

fpeakfn"of tcnd to ^ to fhe People, 7*ur kings have fhaken off the the royal yoke of Chrift, it is butjuft, that you mould throw off adepts. that of their dominion ; fuch reafoning would be to blafpheme Chrift, his doflrines and his examples. The arm of vengeance is referved to God alone. For the happinefs of fubje&s, to preferve them from revolutions and all the horrors of rebellion, he alone can finite the apoftate on the throne. Let not the Chriftian apofta- tize, but let him be fubjeift to his lawful prince. To join revolt to impiety is not averting the fcourge of heaven ; that would be only adding anarchy, the moft terrible of political fcourges ; that would not be a bar againft the Sophifterof impiety, but the confummation of the confpiracy of the Sophifters of fedition, againft the throne and all the laws of civil fociety. Such was the fate of the unfortunate Brabanters when in rebellion againft the Emperor Jofeph. They pretended to the right of rejecting their lawful fovereign, and they are become the prey of Jacobins; they called infurrection to the aid of religion, and that religion profcnbes in- furre£tion againft all lawful authority. At the time that I am now writing, the fulminating reports made to the Convention, forbode thofe dreadful decrees which levelling the religious worfhip, the privileges and the churches of the Brabanters to the ftandard of the French revolution, fhall punifh them for their error. When therefore the hiftoiian fhall report the names of thofe fovereigns, who unfortunately were initiated and con- fpired againft their God, let his intention be to recal them to their religion, let him not be led away into

f *ift of Nov. 1770.

falfe confequences, fo contrary to the peace of nations. Then let him infill on the duties which religion im- pofes on the people ; let him teach them what they owe to Csefar and to every public authority.

.Among the royal proteftors all are not to be clafled Catherine with VcJtaire, Frederick or Jofcph. All had tafted of 1L the impious cup of incredulity, bat all did not equally wifli to imbibe their people with its poifon.

Immenfe was the diftance between Frederick and this Emprefs, in whom the confpirators placed fo much confidence. Seduced by the talents and homage of their premier chief, Catherine may have been indebted to him for her firft tafte for literature ; (he almoft devoured thofe works, which fhe had miftaken for maf- ter-pieces, whether in hiftory or philofophy, totally ignorant of their being difguifed folely to forward the ends of impiety. On the fallacious encomiums of the Sophifters, {he boldly pronounced, That all the miracles in the -world could never efface the pretended blot of having hindered the printing of the Encyclopedia.* But we never fee her, like Frederick, to obtain the fulfome flattery of the Sophifters, pay to impiety that degrading court. Catherine would read their works, Frederick would circulate them, compofe himfelf and wifhed to fee them, devoured by the people. Frederick would propofe plans for the deftrudlion of the Chriftian religion, Catherine rejefted all thofe propofed to her by Voltaire. She was tolerant by nature, Frederick only from neceflity. He would have been no longer fo, had his policy permitted him, in following the dictates of his hatred, to call in a fuperior force to eftecT; the overthrow of Chrif- tianity.f

* Her correfpondence with Voltaire, letter i, a, 3 and 8.

f Thofe who, as men of literature, fflall criticife the corret pondence of this Emprefs, will find an amazing difference between hers and that of the King of Pruffia. The former is that of a woman .of wit, who often plays upon Voltaire inthemoft agreeable manner. With her light ftyle and full of tafte, fhe never forgets her dignity ; fhe atTeaft will not be leen to degrade herfelf to that grofs dialeft of abufe and blafphemy ; while Frederick iir his, truly the pedantic Sophifter, will be as void of ihame in his impiety, as he is of dignity in his encomiums. When Voltaire wrote to Catherine, " We are three, Diderot, D'Aleni- " bert and myfelf, who raife altars to you." She anfwers, " Pray leave me, if you pleafe on earth, there I fliall be more at " hand to receive your letters and thpfe of vour friends." Nothing fo perfectly French can be found in Frederick's, we enly have Vol. I. S

Neverthelefs, Catherine is alfo a royal adept, fhe has the fecret of Voltaire, fhe applauds the moft famous of our infidels.* She is even willing to entruft the heir of her crown into the hands of D'Alembert ; her name conftanly appears among the protecting adepts in the writings of the Sophifters, nor can the hiftorian hide it. Cbriftiern The claims of (Jhriftiern VII. King of Denmark, to VII. King the title of adept, are alfo founded on his correfpon- >f lien- dence with Voltaire. Among the numerous fervices rendered by D'Alembert, I fhould not have omitted the pains he had taken to prevail on different powers and great perfonages, to fubfcribe to the ere£lion of a flatue in honor of Voltaire. I could have fhewn the Sophif- ter of Ferney, modeftly preffmg D'Alembert to get thefe fubfcriptions, and that in particular from the King of Pruffi i, who hardly waited their felicitations. JThis triumph of their chief was too defirable for the confpi- rators ; Chriftiern VII. eagerly contributed. A firft letter, with a few compliments, could not conftitute an adept, but we have Voltaire's own word for it. He mentions him, and befides, among thefe compliments we find one fo much in the ftyle of Frederick, " You " are now occupied in delivering a confiderable num- " ber of men from the yoke of the clergy, the hardejl of all " others, for the duties of fociety are only imprinted in " their heads, and never felt in their hearts. This is well " worth being revenged of the barbarians.,") Unfortunate monarchs ! Such was the language held to Mary Antoinette, in the days of her prosperity, by thofe cor- ruptors. But in her misfortunes, when fhe witnefled the loyalty and the fenfibility of thofe barbarians, at the Thuleries, fhe exclaimed, "" Oh ! how we have been " deceived ! We now plainly fee how much the clergy " diftinguifh themfelves among the faithful fubje£ls of " the king."J May the king that is led away by. philof- ophifm never be reduced to the fame experiment; may

to regret, that it was addreffedto a fet of infidels. Catherine wrote Voltaire's own language in perfect purity, while Frederick c^u'd h*ve had little preten(ions to the hero, had he not handled his fword better than his pen.

* z6th Dec. 1773, and No. 134, anrio 1774.

f- Let. to Voltaire, 1770.

I heard thisanecdotein the midft of the revolution, and fueh exprefGons were necefliiry to fhew, that fhe was recovered from thofe prejudices (he had imbibed againft the clergy, and which Appeared to have redoubled, after the fecond journey which her brother made to Verfailles.

he learn at leaft from one revolution, that there is a yoke more hard and terrible than that of the clergy, which Voltaire his mafter had taught him to calumniate.

It is our duty to add, that with regard to this prince, 'as well as to many others who were feduced by theSo- phifters, the confpirators had taken advantage of their youth. At that period of life, the writings of Voltaire could eafily make impreffion on men, who for being kings, were not better verfed than other people, in what they had not learned, nor were they able to dif- criminate truth from error, in objects where the want of knowledge is more to be dreaded, than inclination or the paffions.

At the time of his journey into France, Chriftiern was but feventeen years of age, and already, to ufe D'Alembert's expreffion, he had the courage to fay at Ftrttainbleau, that Voltaire had taught him to think'.* Men of a different way of thinking, about the court of Lewis XV. wifhed to hinder his young majefty from learning ftill more to think like Voltaire, and from feeing in Paris, the adepts or mof t celebrated of his difciples. Thefe however, obtained admiffion, and to judge how well they underftood improving their opportunity, we need only hear D'Alembert writing to Voltaire, " I had feen that prince at his own apartments, " together with feveral of your friends. He fpoke " much about you, of the fervices your works had ren- «t dered, of the prejudices you had rooted out, of the ene- «( mies your liberty in thinking had made you. You " eafily guefs what my anfwers were."f D'Alembert has a fecond interview, and again writes, " The King " of Denmark fcarce fpoke to me but of you.-I can " allure you, he had rather have feen you at Paris, " than all the entertainments with which they have " furfeited him." This converfation had been but of fhort dyration ; but D'Alembert made amends in a difcourfe which he pronounced at the academy on phi- lofophy, in prefence of the young monarch. Numerous were the adepts prefent, and they applauded ; the youthful monarch joins in the applaufe4 In fine, fuch is the opinion he carries away of that pretended phi- lofophy, thanks to D'Alembert's new lectures, that no fooner is he informed of a ftatue to be erected to th« premier chief of the confpirators, than he fends a very

* Letter of lath Nov. 1768.

f 6th Dec. 1768. t Let. i?th Dec. 1768.

handfome fubfcription, for which Voltaire acknowledges himfelf to be indebted to the leflbns of the academical adept.H How much thefe leffons have fince been for-, gotten by Chriftiern VII. I cannot pretend to fay. Sufficient events have taken place fince his Danim majefty had learned to think from Voltaire, to have given him a very different opinion of the fervices that the Works of his mafter have rendered to empires.

Guftavut Similar artifices were made ufe of with regard to HI. King Guflavus King of Sweden. That prince alfo came to of Swe- Paris, to receive the homage and leflbns of the felf- 1 created philofophy. He was as yet but Prince Royal,

when already extolling him as one whofe protection was infured to the fect, D'Alembert writes to Voltaire, " You love Reason And Liberty, my dear brother, " and one can hardly love one without the other. " Well then, here is a worthy republican philtfopher that " I prefent you, who will talk Philosophy and Lib- «« Erty with you. This is Mr. Jennings, chamberlain " to the King of Sweden.-He has befid«s compliments " to pay you from the ^ueen of Sweden and the Prince «( Royal, 'who in the North PROTECT that philofophy fo ill «« received by the princes in the South. Mr. Jennings " will inform you of the progrefs SEASON is making in «( Sweden under thofe happy au(pices."§

At the time that D'Alembert was writing this letter, Guftavus, who was foon to reftore royalty to the rights it had loft long fince in Sweden, was no doubt ignorant that thofe great men, which he fo much protected, were philofophers fuperlatively republican. He was equally ignorant what would one day be for him, the laft fruit of this confpiring philofophy, when on his accef- fion to the throne he writes to their premier chief, " I " daily pray the Being of beings, that he may prolong " your days, fo precious to humanity and fo neceflary " to the progrefs of Reason and True Philosophy."^ The prayer of Guftavus was heard, the days of Voltaire were prolonged, but he who was to fuddenly fliorten the days of Guftavus was born ; he, grafping the dagger, was foon to fally forth from the occult fchool of Voltaire. For the inftruction of kings, let the hiftorian compare the gradual fteps of this unfor* tunate prince and thofe of the adept and his afiaflin.

|] Letter from Voltaire to D'Alembert, 5th Nov. 1770,
9 I9th Jan. 1769. If loth Jan. 1773.

Ulrica of Brandenbourg had been initiated into the mTfteries of the Sophifters by Voltaire himfelf.. So far from rejecting his principles, fhe did not even feel her- felf outraged at the declaration of a paffion, which he was daring enough to exprefs.* When Queen of Sweden, fhc more than once prefled the Sophifter to come and end his days near her perfon.f She knew no means of giving a ftronger proof of her ftaunchnefs in the principles fhe had received, than during Voltaire's firft refidence at Berlin, to make the infant king imbibe them with his milk. She initiated Guftavus, and wifli- ed to be the mother of the Sophifter as well as of the king ; and indeed we conftantly fee both the mother and -the fon ranking together among the adepts, of whom. the Sophifters thought themfelves the moft fecure. Such then was the gradation of the unfortunate Guftavus. Voltaire initiated Ulrica, and Ulrica initiates her fon.

On the other fide, Voltaire initiated Condorcet, and Condorcet, feated in the club of the Jacobins, initiated Ankeftron. A pupil of Voltaire, Ulrica, teaches her fon to ridicule the myfteries and feoff at the altars of Chrift. Condorcet alfo, a difciple of Voltaire, teaches Ankeftron to feoff at the throne and fport with the lives of kings.

When public report announced that Guftavus III. was to command in chief the confederate armies againft. the French revolution, Condorcet and Ankeftron were members of the great club; and the great club refoun- ded with the cry of, Deliver the earth from kings! Guftavus was doomed for the firft victim, and Ankeftron offers himfelf for the firft executioner. He leaves Paris, and Guftavus falls beneath his blows.J

The Jacobins had juft celebrated the apotheofis of Voltaire, they alfo celebrate that of Ankeftron.

Voltaire had taught the Jacobins that the f.rft of kings vras a fuccefsful foldier ; and they teach Ankeftron that the firft hero was the aflaffm of kings ; and they placed his buft befide that of Brutus.

Kings had fubfcribed to the erection of a ftatue to Voltaire, the Jacobins erect one to Ankeftron.

* It was for this princefs that Voltaire compofed the Madrigal Souvent nn pett de Verite. \ Her letters to Voltaire, anno 1743 and i;ji. j Journal of Fontenai.

Poniatow- Laftly, Voltaire's correfpondence fhows Ponialowfki, King of Poland, to have been of the number of the prote£ting adepts. That king had known our philofo* pliers in Paris, who was one day to fall a vi£tim to philofophifm ! He had done homage to their chief, and written to him, " Mr. de Voltaire, every contemporary " of a man like you, that knows how to read, who has " travelled, and has not been acquainted with you, " muft feel himfelf unhappy ; you might be allowed " to fay, Nations Jball pray that kings may read me."* At this day, when the king has feen men, who, like himfelf, had read and cried up the works of Voltaire, attempting in Poland the revolution they had wrought in France ; at this day, when victim of that revolution, he has feen his fceptre vanifh from his hand, how different muft be his prayer ? Does he not repent that nations have known Voltaire, or that kings had ever read his works ? But thofe days that D'Alembert had foretold, and which he longed to fee, are at length come, and that without being forefeet! by the royal adepts. When the misfortunes of religion fhall fall back upon them, let them read the prayer which D'Alembert expreffes in his ftyle, often low and ignoble, to Voltaire, " Your illuftrious and former protector " (the King of Pruffia) began the dance, the King of " Sweden led it on, Catherine imitates them, and bids " fair to outdo them both. How I fhould laugh to fee " the ftring run off in my time." And indeed the firing has begun to run with a vengeance. Guftavus, King of Sweden, dies by the dagger: Lewis XVI. King of France, on the fcadbld : Lewis the XVII. by poifon. Poniatowfki is dethroned; the Stadtholder is driven from his country, and the adepts, difciples of D'Alembert and his fchool, laugh as he would have done himfelf, at thofe fovereigns, who protecting the impious in their confpiracy againft the altar, had not been able to forefee that the difciples of thofe fame confpirators would confpire againft their thrones.

Thefe reflections anticipate, againft my will, what I have to unfold in this fecond confpiracy ; but fuch is the union of the Sophifter of impiety with the Sophif- ter of rebellion, that it is hard to feparate the progrefs of one from the ravages of the other. It is the intimacy of this union, which has forced us to lay befpre

* aiflof February 1767,

the eyes of the prote£ting monarchs, one of the moft important leflbns that hiftory could produce.

I cannot finifh this chapter without remarking, that among the kings of the North, in whofe protection the Sophifters fo often exult, the name of his Britannic Majefly is not fo much as mentioned. Thisfilence of the confpirators, is above all the encomiums they could bellow. Had they fought a king beloved by hisfubjects, and defervedly fo ; had they fought I fay, a king good, juft, compaffionate, beneficent, jealous of maintaining the liberty of the laws and the happinefs of his empire, then Geoige III. might have been extolled as the Solomon of the North, he would have been their Marcus Aurelius, or Antoninus. They found him too wife to coalefce with vile confpirators, who knew no merit but impiety, and hence the true caufe of their filence. It is noble for a prince to be nul in their records, whilft, in this terrible revolution, he has been fo confpicuous by his activity in flopping its progrefs, by his greatnefs and compaffionate generofity in relieving its victims.

It is alfo a juftice, which the hiftoiian owes to the kings of the South, to fay, that the confpirators, fo far from ranking them among their adepts, complained that they had not yet attained to the height of their fo-. phifticated philofophy.


Lloyd Miller, Research Director
A-albionic Research
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